This volume, “Zionism Hates the Truth: Big Reveal following Duo Claims and Signals to the ICJ
by Retired Canadian Supreme Court Justice Rosalie Abella and Former Canadian Minister of Justice Irwin Cotler that the State of Israel is Above International Law,” is a significant departure from the thematic reports I have primarily self-published on the protection of drinking waters (https://www.bctwa.org/): now to this, the arena of human rights and the invaluable protection of Palestinians and full recognition of their “self determination” and “Right of Return” to their stolen lands and of their resources.

Many of my readers, and those familiar with my advocacy history, may ask what caused me to make the dramatic shift. I suppose I could have stayed on topic and developed a thorough and appropriate analysis on how the Zionist Israel colonial project had been pilfering, ruining, polluting, and constricting Palestine’s domestic water sources over time (which others have carefully reported on), whilst oppressing Palestinians and stealing Syria’s Golan Heights lands and water rights, a very sordid history, including the most recent willful introduction of pumping salt water to drown Gaza’s secret tunnel networks, thereby forever polluting Gaza’s groundwaters, an utterly abhorrent and insidious political-military decision.

In all honesty, what prompted me to consolidate this report was an urgent, inner prompting, an awakening of my conscience, a call to duty.

I began this effort on January 20, 2024, with a simple objective: to produce a twenty-odd-page critique on former Canadian Supreme Court Justice Rosalie Abella’s January 9, 2024, opinion article published in the Globe and Mail newspaper (see Part 3 for the copy). Abella opposed and attacked South Africa’s 84-page long, well-referenced filing with the International Court of Justice (ICJ), a timely filing which justly accused Zionist Israel of committing, alongside a continuous Al Nakba, an ongoing genocide of Palestinian refugee inmates within its walled Gaza concentration camp. After all, Abella, with her now 41 accumulated honorary doctorates (awarded with her 41st in Tel Aviv) and numerous awards, was a ‘famous’ human rights advocate and jurist celebrity. A western-born Canadian, I, as others, was deeply troubled by Abella’s illogical and unethical response statements three months into Israel’s genocide, obviously meant to influence the then imminent ICJ’s January 12th Decision at the Hague: I became intent on rebuffing her.

In my rebuffing mode, I bumped into the figurehead of Irwin Cotler, the former McGill University law professor, founder of the Raoul Wallenberg Human Rights Centre, Abella’s old Canadian friend and associate, who I had never heard of or known anything about. Cotler authored a duplicate themed opinion article published in the National Post newspaper the day after Abella’s (see also Part 3 for the copy), with oddly similar, rash defense arguments against South Africa, with the same intent to sway public opinion and the ICJ. And, at the time, I was unaware of the Raoul Centre and that Abella was one of its honorary co-chairs since 2017. My ‘innocent’ discovery of Cotler would turn the tide of my critique to an epic undertaking. In my meager efforts to scrutinize two celebrated, legally trained and Jewish Zionist-minded Canadians, I quickly became aware that I was opening a gigantic can of worms: a short critique morphed into a complex inquiry project. Once again, my sincerest apologies for getting drawn in and yielding to this temptation, and for neglecting my normal duties and friendships.

I must confess that prior to this endeavour I had been an absolute ignoramus on the history and politics of Palestine, a land that in 1948 became a divided colonial occupier state territory rebranded as Zionist Israel, its political fate and the intertwined circumstances concerning the forceful and tragic displacement of Palestinian inhabitants and their lands over the last one hundred or so years. My only prior introduction to this subject was during my world travels that brought me to Egypt in February 1986, so long ago, where I found myself reaching up to a bookshelf to randomly pick a book published (as I now vaguely recall) in about 1966 on the plight and purging of Palestinians. I was shocked and moved as I ploughed through it. It brought tears to my eyes, a beginning mark to altering an indoctrinated thinking about ‘the Holy Land’. I had read nothing since about that tragedy, until ‘now,’ January 2024 onwards.

From 1987 to 1990, I dedicated my ‘leisure’ life to learning about and advocating for Indigenous rights in Canada, mostly British Columbia, with my involvement in the former Vancouver branch of the Canadian ecumenical organization called Project North (named and formed after the MacKenzie Valley Pipeline inquiry in the 1970s, after which some 120 chapters were created), renamed in the early 1990s as the Aboriginal Rights Coalition. During that time, I attended dozens of the plaintiff’s private legal debriefing sessions in downtown Vancouver during the Supreme Court proceedings of the controversial and epic Gitksan / Wet’suwet’en Supreme Court trial proceedings. Over the span of six or so years, I often travelled 18 hours one-way north in my vehicle to their homelands on the Stikine River watershed east of Prince Rupert where their forest lands, as the forest lands of all British Columbia indigenous peoples, where being ‘developed’ and raped (the forest industry’s former 50 cents on the dollar, on over 500,000 kilometers of forest service logging roads).


I learned about the history, political tribulations and injustices of some of the other Indigenous peoples on the northwestern corner of Turtle Island: the Nisga’a (on the Nass River, obliterated by clearcut logging in Tree Farm License #1); the Cheslatta (their river territorial and flooding battles against Alcan, and the logging); the Haida (lots of logging, fishing rights, recently handed back their lands); the Ingenika/ Mesilinka (Williston ‘reservoir’ area and logging); the Tsilhqot’in / Nemaiah people (west of Williams Lake, more logging); the St’at’imc people (from Pemberton to Lillooet); and much later through my anti-fracking advocacy, the Treaty 8 peoples in northeast BC (impacted by eye-popping ‘cumulative oil-patched environmental degradations’). I attribute these early learning experiences the reason for my strong moral sympathies with the Palestinian people’s plights, for understanding the cruel, greedy, profit driven and oblivious objectives of the colonizer: I also live in a colonial / quasi-colonial / post-colonial occupier state.

Over the course of just over a year’s research, learning, reflection and composition, I have come to recognize that the history of Israeli ‘colonial settler-ism’ (the term attributed to Fayez Sayegh) is notoriously difficult, plagued with many pitfalls, hazards, and an almost infinite supply of episodes and documents, and with a corresponding host of advocates on either side of the fences. I was also woefully ignorant of the voluminous proceedings of the United Nations’ operations (‘organs’) on this subject, in particular the more recent roles of its special rapporteurs since the early 1990s who have documented, ad nauseum, the controversial matters and episodes of Zionist / Israel’s inhumane treatments and robberies of Palestinians through repeated violations of international law, and of the bizarre United Nations voting history by ‘democratic’ state parties defiantly in support of Israel’s unlawful subjugation of Palestinians over the last 76 and more years.

Of the reams of information collected while tracing numerous webbed threads, early on I stumbled upon two important anti-Zionist figureheads, one an American follower of Classical Judaism, the other a Palestinian who quietly followed Christianity. First was Rabbi Elmer Berger, whose Memoirs of an Anti-Zionist Jew, was published in 1978 by the Institute for Palestinian Studies, and Jack Ross’ recent 2011 insightful biography, Rabbi Outcast, who, in his Epilogue chapter, evaluates Berger as an “extraordinary man of conscience.” In the introduction to Berger’s 1978 Memoirs, C.K. Zurayk writes:

“Dr. Berger’s life and work have been distinguished both by his deep insights into one of today’s most harassing problems – the problem of Palestine – and by his courage and persistence in defending the truths that these insights revealed. He has regarded it as his duty to expose the blind neglect and deliberate distortion of those truths and to combat the pernicious attitudes, policies and decisions which resulted from this neglect and distortion. … For there is perhaps no problem in human history which has been surrounded with as much misrepresentation, deception and emotional manipulation as has been the problem of Palestine. The Zionists have created and put into operation such a powerful machinery of information, or rather of misinformation, of calumniation and of intimidation that the fundamentals have not been allowed to appear; they have been almost completely submerged by a mass of untruths and irrelevancies.”

Without Rabbi Berger – his organized Jewish ‘anti-Zionism’ advocational struggle from 1942 onward – we perhaps cannot better understand the anchors and presuppositions which drive prominent political figures, such as Canadian Zionists Rosalie Abella and Irwin Cotler – participants in what Berger nicknames the “Zionist machine” – who advocate the twisted precepts of Zionism to our governments, institutions and through popular media messaging. Berger served a critical historic role as a collective conscience not only for his fellow followers of Reform Judaism, but for humanity in general. He was a dedicated follower and communicator of moral, monotheistic Judaism, who, as Jack Ross reveals, was weaned in the 1930s on the prominent, steadfast, Jehovah-faithful Old Testament prophets who bravely and repeatedly demanded justice in a land of injustice succumbed by the ‘flock of Israel’ and, notably, by Israel’s often wayward institutionalized prophets and misguided leaders. In this context, Berger repeatedly warned the world of the political dangers by political Zionists who misused and abused the term ‘anti-Semitism.’ In May 1970, five years before the November 10, 1975, United Nations Resolution number 3379, ‘Zionism is Racism,’ Berger summarized, yet again, this time to an audience at the Loeb Playhouse, Purdue campus, in West Lafayette, Indiana, that “Israel is anything but a democracy – a state which practices apartheid. There is an affinity between Israel and unprogressive, racist states.”

The second and distinctly remarkable person I discovered a third of the way through my inquiry is Fayez Sayegh, the intellectual Palestinian academic, prolific writer, statesman and compassionate defender of Palestinian rights, who is primarily featured at length in Part 8 of this report, “Mover, Shaker, Resolution Maker.” Somewhat akin to Latin poet Virgil in Italian poet Dante Alighieri’s Divine Comedy poem, namely the special ‘human reason’ guide who led pilgrim Dante into the spiralling depths of The Inferno realm (Dante’s volume one), it was Sayegh, through his writings (as many as I could find), that became my ‘human reason’ guide to help understand the underworld mechanics and perspectives of Jewish Zionism. There are, of course, many other writers with commentaries on the mechanics for the other influential half of this perverse coin, namely Christian Zionism (perhaps an offshoot or integration to author Katherine Stewart’s understanding of ‘Christian Nationalism’ in her book, “The Power Worshippers”), a key, dominating subject untreated in this manuscript.

A central thematic finding I deduced near the outset from my research pool of collected document sources spanning over eighty years, is that Zionist leaders of Israel have, over numerous decades, zealously set up an international defence shield apparatus, a force field as it were, the central aim and strategy of which is to simply avoid a similar political fate that befell Apartheid South Africa just over thirty years ago. The extensive efforts that have been cumulatively wielded and instigated into building this defensive apparatus – through the political, monetary and social aid of Christian Zionists – are simply astounding, absolutely and extraordinarily mind boggling, penetrating the political, military and judicial fabric and foreign policies of major world state entities. Positioned behind the shields of Christian Zionists and the evolving Israel Zionists organizationally dispersed throughout the world, have behaved like a parasitic plant, building a massive root system throughout an entire garden, sucking the very life in the soil from the other plants.

In this respect, I interpret Israel’s actions in 1967 as the waging of three integrated wars. The first was, of course, the Six-Day war, a feigned war against its neighbour states to illegally gain territories from Palestinians, Syrians, and Egyptians, a war that awakened and kindled the sleeping “messianic” followers. The second was the launching of an international propaganda war. The third was a strategic political war on the United States, which would become its stalwart and powerful international ally at the United Nations, as well as its primary source for military funding. The greater fall and seduction of Canada would come later, the Zionist underpinnings coming into force in the 1980s under the Brian Mulroney Conservative administration (see Parts 2, 5, and 12). As this new foothold took root in changing Canada’s foreign policy and diplomatic messaging, it was under the Prime Minister Stephen Harper far-right, anti-Canada, administration (2006-2015) that took Canada to a new low, a submissive, unquestioning, embarrassing partner posture, unlike any previous administration. In fact, after that Prime Minister was booted out in the 2015 election, he financially benefited as an international far-right spokesman and shameless smiling salesman for Israel (see Part 4.3).

Another central finding is related to the origins of the United Nations November 1975, Resolution #3379, ‘Zionism is Racism’ – Irwin Cotler’s often-stated central sticking point discussed primarily in Part 7. I had first learned of UN Resolution #3379 in about December 2023 and was drawn to understanding the origins of this show-stopper declaration. My lengthy treatment of this history in Part 8, in concert with my focus on Fayez Sayegh, forms the foundation of my understanding and arguments against Cotler and the world’s Zionists. The Resolution had nothing to do with the ‘Arabs’ or to the Soviet ‘Communists,’ origins aggressively blame-propagandized by Zionist/Israel and its machine minions. Rather, the breadcrumbs on this thinking trace back to both Rabbi Elmer Berger – his anti-Zionist organization affiliate spokespeople with the American Council for Judaism, who had been repeatedly informing their North American, Middle East and European audiences that Zionism was/is discriminatory and racist, reasoned insights based on Reform Judaic thinking and writings that predate Berger – and more importantly, Fayez Sayegh, who penned the now famous and indispensable 1965 monograph, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine, when he launched the Palestine Research Center in Beirut.

I deduced something else of importance from my research. Most people in the world have been brainwashed to only think about Germany’s early 20th century fascist’s tragic and horrible Holocaust upon Jewry (and an almost equal forgotten cleansing number of other ‘undesirables’) when they think about post-1948 ‘Israel.’ And, as historians note, there have been numerous holocausts thrust upon civilizations in recent centuries by colonial occupational powers. Both of my grandfathers, and my grandmother’s brother, were murdered (the latter by the KGB), amongst some estimated 40-60 million souls under the ruthless dictator Stalin. In the late 1800s following, stated in the writings of prominent spokesmen, the primarily secular Jewish Zionists had already plotted to dispose of the Palestinians at the outset, and during Germany’s Holocaust, a subject generally and contextually lost from peoples’ collective memories. Those Jewish Zionists were fervent colonialists – like, for instance, extremist ‘revisionist’ Zeev Jabotinsky and his followers and financiers – caught up in the activities of military colonial powers of the day who were masters of other people’s lives and resources. As Germany’s fascists were clandestinely organizing their programs of ethnic cleansing, to make way for the ‘master race,’ radical Zionists in Palestine, many of which were immigrants from the east European leftist camp, or ‘labour’ Zionists, were contemplating and undertaking similar military-based and psychologic designs, either with or without British complicity. By 1948, following the forceable displacement of Palestinians from some 500 registered settlements and towns, all of which were quickly renamed and swept under the rug by the Zionists, the United Nations, under new colonial directives, gave birth to a militant-military ideological monster, and that monster then sought to devour the international-rules-based United Nations and anything else in its path.

As I fashioned this report, I witnessed the trauma, day-in, day-out, of Israel’s and the primarily United States assisted, almost unending atrocities, and can’t-find-the-words conduct of an ‘on-line’ genocide, as succinctly deduced as such in two reports in 2024 by United Nations (non-funded) rapporteur, Francesca Albanese. I stumbled upon Albanese’s November 15, 2023, presentation to Australia’s National Press Club at the outset of my research and was immediately enlightened on her explanation of why Israel “does not have” a “right to defend itself” argument heard almost daily throughout that genocide (see Part 3). I had never heard of her before, but I, and assumably like many others, was moved. I was impressed by her automatic manoeuverability, her unique and highly capable, powerful on-the-spot communicative abilities, and her ability to sharply call out those that needed to be called out. She was the good mother scolding her children. I then examined most of her published accounts and reviewed and followed many of her on-line presentations. Then, I noted a dramatic but glowing change in her. It began with her recent October to November 2024 tour of eastern United States and eastern Canada in the wake of a new authoritarian federal government in America. It was if she had emerged out of a cocoon, with new wings to face the world with her deep understanding of the complex dilemmas and injustices in Palestine and of Palestinians. (In a way, she reminded me of what Fayez Sayegh accomplished and had to endure.) With her new wings, she genuinely reminder-merged the plight of Palestinians with the genocidal injustices of the indigenous populations by the American and Canadian colonialists. She fashioned that context in each of her presentations. I understand that I am only one person in a sea of people who have come to respect her abilities and outstanding courage. As Albanese humbly recognizes, it is not about her, but who she labours to passionately advocate on behalf of – and free of charge!

Speaking of which, this report – with almost 1,000 images – is one hundred percent self-funded, self-directed, self-composed, and 95 percent self-edited. I am both glad that I found the time and self-determination to do it, and absolutely, sincerely glad that it is finally over.


Lastly. I am most certain that legally trained Rosalie Abella and Irwin Cotler will wonder how it is that, yet another fellow Canadian would rise to openly criticize them in the lengthy fashion that I have. That is part of the ‘democracy,’ that necessary freedom of well-informed speech within the legislative state,
that they both themselves presumably honour, the flagship of which was raised in Canada’s Charter some forty years ago, the envy of much of the world, which some, as we see, would choose to weaken and extinguish (see Part 16).

In this respect, a consequence of this now-more-evident breaking up of Canada’s Charter, Canadians have just witnessed the audacious, disturbing February 2025 Montreal City police arrest and jailing of Yves Engler from trumped-up, illogical, groundless charges, directly linked and coordinated, no doubt, to similar previous charges and jailings by Zionist program forces in Europe, in order to stifle and silence criticisms of Israel.

As a stated condition of his release, the Montreal Police’s lawyers requested Mr. Engler sign a confidentiality agreement, a gag order, which he refused. One could make the argument, by carefully tracing out its origins and developments, what with Mr. Cotler’s narrow interpretive policy word war he and others have waged with Canada’s blessings on ‘anti-Semitism’ over the last ten or so years, along with political pressures, that Engler, ironically, may have been a casualty of that process. And one could entertain the question, that with Mr. Engler’s constitutional rights being infringed upon, interfered with, by the Montreal police and its legal department, why is Mr. Cotler, a fellow resident of Montreal, and a renowned international ‘human rights’ advocate lawyer, not either automatically coming to Engler’s legal assistance to rightfully defend him, nor voicing his opposition to his wrongful arrest and imprisonment through his media page on-line platform at the Raoul Wallenberg Centre? But, as laid out in this report, Mr. Cotler would likely not come to Mr. Engler’s rescue.

My sincerest hope, that in my self-education report about this problematic subject of Palestine, and about fellow Canadians Abella and Cotler as I have contextually reported here, that they will both find time to honestly and carefully reflect upon the truth of the matters raised and then make the necessary, required spiritual changes about the subject they often cite but fail to fully comply: to fight for the highest ground of moral justice, the full-on, full-meal, radical justice in a fallen Zionized-Zionistische world.

I am open to discussing this report – any, and all, of its contents – with each and everyone covered within it. And, if I have made any errors or blunders, I welcome notifications for revising this volume.

And if, in my eagerness and compassion to defend the rights of Palestinians, I have unintentionally harmed anyone mentioned in this report, it is because of my anger over what has been allowed to happen, and is still happening, in Palestine.

         Preface

1. Rosalie Abella
2. The Abellas and the Engaging Moments and Movements of 1988 (and
    following)
     2.1. The Societal Promotion of Rosalie Abella
3. Refutations of the Raoul Wallenberg Centre Human Rights Tag Team
     3.1. Albanese’s October 2024 Second UN Genocide Indictment Report
4. The Big Reveal about Abella’s Conduct (‘Progressive Except for
     Palestine’)
     4.1. No, Not There, or PeP
     4.2. Neglectfulness
     4.3. The Occupation of AWZ Toronto Headquarters, and Herr Harper’s
            Sudden Flight to Israel
5. Developments and Applications of the Anti-Semitic Trump Card
     5.1. The Troublesome Matter of Canadian Resident Professor Klauss
            Herrmann
6. ‘Zionism as Racism:’ the International Conferences on Racism, 1978,
     1983, 2001
     6.1. The Second World Conference on Racism, 1983
     6.2. The Third World Conference on Racism, 2001
7. Cotler’s Battle Against U.N. ‘Zionism as Racism’ Slogan
     7.1. Shaping the Narrative: American Professors for Peace in the Middle
            East Inc.
     7.2. 1967: Hannah Arendt’s Rejection of the APPME
     7.3. Cotler and the Canadian Professors for Peace Subsidiary Platform
     7.4. A Peek at the McGill Daily Newsletter, 1972–1975
     7.5. Cotler and the Media Messaging Distortion of UNESCO (1974-1975)
     7.6. Cotler and the Zionism as Racism Engagement
8. Fayez Sayegh: Mover, Shaker and Resolution Maker
     8.1. Zionist Israel’s Tyranny in 1967 / “The Situation in the Middle East”
     8.2. The Special Political Committee
     8.3. CERD Rapporteur Sayegh
     8.4. The CERD and the Decade for Action
     8.5. The Third Committee
     8.5.1. Sayegh’s Argument Opposing Anti-Semitism
     8.5.2. 1968: International Year for Human Rights, Conference, and Third
               Committee Review
     8.5.3. 1968: International Year for Human Rights and The Special Political
               Committee (SPC)
     8.6. The UN Declaration of Zionism and Apartheid as Co-Colonial Fusion
            Forces
     8.7. Mexico City: The 1975 Zionism as Racial Discrimination Pivot Point
     8.8. The 1975 Resolutions on Palestine by the Organization of African
            Unity
     8.9. United Declaration of War Against Zionism: the August 1975 Lima,
            Peru Resolutions
     8.10. The Momentum
     8.11. Third Committee Delegate Statements Referencing Zionism,
              September to October 1975 (Agenda Item 68, Elimination of
              All Forms of Racial Discrimination)
    8.12. October 16 to 17, 1975: Draft Resolution A/C.3/L.2159
    8.13. October 17 – Fayez Sayegh’s Defence of L.2159
    8.14. Zionism as Racism D-Day, November 10, 1975
    8.15. Lunch with Moynihan
    8.16. Mr. Jamil Baroody’s Final Words
9. David Sheen’s Collections of Racism Revelations
    9.1. “I Say What You Think”
10. Operation Hypocrisy: The Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights
    10.1. The April 19, 2009, Geneva Summit on Human Rights
             and Democracy Side Show
    10.2. The UN Durban II Review Geneva Conference Spectacle
    10.3. April 22, 2009 – Zionist Love Fest: The Second UN Watch
             Conference
    10.4. The New York City Counter-Conference
    10.5. 2014: The Sixth Annual Geneva Summit for Human Rights and
                       Democracy
11. The Federal Riding of Mount Royal
    11.1. The By-Election
12. The Illegal Occupation of Cotler’s Constituency Office, April 2002
    12.1. Five Months Later – Netanyahu and the 9/11 First Anniversary Tour
             Events
    12.2. Super Salesmen Selling Zionism: “Soldiers for Truth”
    12.3. Undermining Democracy, Truth: Asper’s Sting
    12.4. The Gazette Intifada
13. The Making of a Supreme
    13.1. The New Minister
    13.2. Sharansky’s Visit
    13.3. The Question and Problem of ‘Merit’
14. The Rise of Cotler-Criticism
15. Lest there be Any Doubt – Cotler’s Crew and the ICC
16. Ernst and ‘The Swing Judge’
    16.1. Resuscitation?
    16.2. The Test Case
        16.2.1. Breaking Through the International Gag Force Field
        16.2.2. Enter Solomon
        16.2.3. Victimizing, Blaming the Innocent
    16.2.4. Off to Ottawa
    16.2.5. Supreme Lock-Up Shenanigans
    16.2.6. Sossin’s Special Sauce
    16.2.7. Clever Defamation?
17. Beyond a Reasonable Doubt
    17.1. Raoul Centre’s Media Page
    17.2. Thursday, May 30, 2024, Tel Aviv – Day 236 of the Gaza Genocide
    17.3. Final Thoughts